Writings on the struggle for workers unity and socialism

Month: April 2024

From the Archives: NIPSA union conference majority support ‘political fund’ (2010)

A future of sectarianism and poverty: Working class needs its own party

First published by Socialist Party 27th July 2010

Working class people in Northern Ireland face a future of sectarian conflict, unemployment and poverty. The North has now been in recession since November 2007, almost three years. The anaemic economic upturn in Britain has entirely passed us by.

Officially, unemployment in Northern Ireland rose to 56,100 in June, an increase of 600 on the previous month, and of 6,700 on a year ago. The rate of “economic inactivity” (the real measure of unemployment) is higher than in England, Scotland or Wales. The projected £1.5 billion of public expenditure cuts planned for the next four years will put thousands more on the dole. It is predicted that 14,000 more jobs will go in the next two years, meaning that unemployment will treble over the five years between 2007 and 2012. The unemployment rate for 18–24 year olds is already 17.4%.

None of the Assembly parties represent the interests of working class people. At times, these parties voice their opposition to public spending cuts — but this is nothing more than a cheap confidence trick. The sectarian parties consistently unite in the Assembly by supporting a programme of draconian cuts. This is one area they all agree on — that the working class must pay for the economic crisis.

Workers on strike, communities campaigning against the cuts, people opposed to water charges, public sector workers facing a Tsunami of attacks, anyone who rejects sectarianism — none of these people have a major political party that truly represents their interests.

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The National Question in Ireland Today: Meeting the Historic Challenge

This article was originally written for discussion at the Socialist Party Conference in March 2018, as “Notes on the National Question Today”

On May 3rd, 2021, Northern Ireland will be 100 years old. Partition was an historic defeat for the working-class movement in Ireland and we continue to live with its consequences today.

The workers movement could have prevented partition, and today the workers movement remains the only force in society which can overcome division and point the way to a better future for all.

In order to meet this historic challenge, it is essential that the ideas of Marxism reach the widest possible audience and that we build a politically strong a mass Marxist party in Ireland.

Reaching wide layers of workers, both Catholic and Protestant by background, will only be possible if we apply the ideas of Marxism to the burning issues of the moment. This is particularly the case with regards to the difficult issues which divide working class people along sectarian lines.  What can come across as abstract appeals for working class unity, or as correct but vague generalisations, are not enough.

Instead, we must both seek to fully analyse and understand the consciousness and mood of different sections of the working class and engage in detail with each issue around which division crystallises.   

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Ιρλανδία: Ήττα για την κυβέρνηση στο δημοψήφισμα για τη φροντίδα και την οικογένεια

Irish Referendum, Greek language version: from Ξεκίνημα

Στις 8/3 η ιρλανδική κυβέρνηση προχώρησε σε δημοψήφισμα για την αναθεώρηση δύο άρθρων του Συντάγματος. Το ένα άρθρο σχετίζεται με την Οικογένεια και το δεύτερο με τη Φροντίδα των παιδιών, των ηλικιωμένων, των ατόμων με αναπηρία, κλπ. Σε φραστικό επίπεδο, οι αλλαγές που πρότεινε η κυβέρνηση έδειχναν να έχουν προοδευτικό χαρακτήρα, καθώς αναιρούνταν απαρχαιωμένες διατυπώσεις σχετικά με τον ρόλο της γυναίκας στην οικογένεια, αναγνωρίζονταν ως οικογένειες σχέσεις που δεν βασίζονταν στον γάμο, κλπ. Την ίδια ώρα όμως, οι διατυπώσεις που πρότεινε η κυβέρνηση επιχειρούσαν να μετατρέψουν τη φροντίδα σε υπόθεση των μελών της οικογένειας, αφαιρώντας ουσιαστικά τις σχετικές υποχρεώσεις του κράτους από το Σύνταγμα. 
Τα παραπάνω, σε συνδυασμό με τη συνολική αντικυβερνητική διάθεση σε σημαντικά στρώματα της κοινωνίας, αλλά και με τη συνειδητή προσπάθεια της ακροδεξιάς και της εκκλησίας να επενδύσουν στα αντανακλαστικά των πιο συντηρητικών στρωμάτων, οδήγησαν το κυβερνητικό σχέδιο σε παταγώδη αποτυχία. Διαβάστε παρακάτω διασκευή του σχετικού άρθρου του Κίραν Μαλχόλαντ.
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Irish Establishment Defeated in Referendum: Voters overwhelmingly reject changes to Constitution

On Friday 8th of March, voters delivered the largest defeat in history for a referendum put forward by the Irish government. They voted to reject proposed changes to the “Family” clause in the Constitution by 68% to 32% and the “Care” clause by a record 74% to 26%. Turnout was 44%, a sharp drop from the last referendum in 2018 of 64%.

The scale of the defeat was a humiliation for the government parties-Fine Gael, Fianna Fail, and the Green Party-but also the opposition parties and so-called “civil society” advocacy groups who had united to support a “Yes-Yes” vote.

Right and far right individuals and groups, and conservative Catholics, have sought to claim credit for the outcome. The result has been contrasted to the 2015 same-sex marriage referendum and the 2018 abortion rights referendum which resulted in progressive change and seemed to mark Ireland’s arrival as a modern secular, liberal state. Some on the right are claiming that the referendum marks an end to the onward march of the “woke” agenda with former Fianna Fáil Minister, Willie O’Dea proclaiming it’s time “to stop playing to the woke gallery”,

But the truth is much more complex, as Hugh Linehan, Deputy Editor of the Irish Times (March 16th) argues: “….the result remains hard to read. The amendments were ultimately defeated by a patchwork coalition of wildly disparate parts that are unlikely ever to come together again. Gender-critical feminists stood alongside anti-abortion activists. Rural social conservatives voted the same way as urban Trotskyists”.

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