An Introduction to a Series of Articles

It is the duty of Marxist revolutionaries to act as the memory of the working class. A serious Marxist force must ensure that it retains an accurate collective memory of its own positions, activities and role.


On July 20th the Socialist Party of Ireland (SP) withdrew from the organisation which linked it with other groups across the globe, the International Socialist Alternative (ISA), after a decision taken at a one-day conference. This decision resulted from a bitter dispute within the ISA and has led to further splits as it has unfolded across 2024.


In a Facebook post (July 21st, 2024), a member of the SP, Dominic Haugh, sought to explain its trajectory. The SP was a section of the Committee for a Workers International (CWI, established in 1974) until 2019, and of the ISA from 2020. It is now affiliated to “The Project for a Revolutionary Marxist International”.
In his attack on previous co-thinkers, Dominic states “The SP in Ireland recognizes that capitalist oppression can come in many forms, including racism, repression of LGBTQ + people, repression of women, etc”.


He continues “despite claims to the contrary, the CWI leadership never prioritized the issues of women’s oppression or oppression of LGBTQ plus people, and in reality, only given intermittent priority to fighting racism. The adoption of a socialist feminist approach by the Irish section of the CWI……..was transformative in recognizing that movements against oppression were coming to the fore, and Marxists need to adapt to developments”.


A Facebook post does not normally require a developed response, but in this case, it does. It is necessary for the current leadership of the SP to diminish or deny the past in order to exaggerate the merits of its own role today. In this narrative a far-sighted group of comrades seized upon new ideas, in opposition to the old and conservative leaderships (national and international) of the past. Dominic Haugh amplifies and broadcasts this narrative, though he did not create it alone. It reflects more developed material published by the SP.


This material is one-sided and tendentious, designed to boost the status of the current leadership and to denigrate the records of all others. An accurate account of the past has not been provided to the new generation of young members of the SP, as to do so would be to undermine the dominant narrative.


Dominic makes much of his 40 years of experience in the Socialist Party and the CWI, and he is entitled to do so, but he does not represent the views of all comrades. Many of those who have struggled to build a Marxist alternative over the last forty years in the North of Ireland, and who remained active, are no longer members of the SP and have different memories, and a different analysis. They are also entitled to have their say, and more importantly, the new generation are entitled to hear it. An inaccurate or partial account is not of assistance to comrades who are seeking a way forward in a difficult and complex period but is also insulting to the comrades who made our history, some of whom are now deceased.

We have a responsibility to maintain our collective memory, to periodically analyse past positions, and to learn from doing so. In a series of articles, we will provide detailed, political accounts, of our role in fighting oppression. In a final article a balance sheet of this work will be put forward.

Our Living History


In the articles to be published over the coming weeks we will give an account of the history of Marxist struggles against oppression in the 1980s, 1990s and the first decade of this century. We too adopt a 40-year time frame, but with little focus on the last decade, precisely because Dominic and others are seeking to make the case of a qualitative break in the development of the Socialist Party, which we can assume, in their eyes, occurred in the last 10 or perhaps 15 years.


Our account is focused much more on the north of Ireland (Northern Ireland) than on the South (Republic of Ireland). There are two reasons for this. One is that those who contributed to this account are mostly comrades who are, and were, active in the North. It is also the case, however, that some of the campaigns we feature (anti-racist and anti-fascist) were more a feature of our work in the North than the South in this period.



Militant in Ireland (later Militant Labour from 1993 to 1996, and then Socialist Party from 1996) has an exemplary record of countering racist idea, and racist attacks. We directly confronted dangerous fascist groups with links with armed paramilitary groups. We will describe events and our activities between 1984 and 2004, with a focus on two specific campaigns in which we met organised fascism on the streets.


Also, during this period, we organised activities through Youth Against Sectarianism (YAS), which was the Northern Ireland affiliate of Youth Against Racism in Europe (YARE). YAS involved hundreds of young people in meetings, demonstrations and gigs against the storm of sectarian massacres in the two years which preceded the paramilitary ceasefires in 1994. We linked the activities of YAS to YARE and brought young people to anti-racist/ant-fascist demonstrations in London and Belgium.


We will describe the stance that comrades in Militant and the Young Socialists (YS) took in defence of the Brook Advisory Centre (established to provide sex education and services for young people) in Belfast in 1992-1993 and we will examine the record of Militant and the YS on defending the rights of LBGTQ+ people. We will describe how this work-in defence of the rights of women and against the oppression of LBGTQ + people-was interwoven with our work countering sectarianism and racism, and our interventions into strikes and community campaigns.


In a concluding article we will draw a balance sheet of the work over this period. We can say now that we could have done more. Without equivocation, there were weaknesses in the past with regards to work amongst women and with regards to the oppression of the LGBT community. Our record on countering racism and fascism is not perfect but stands the test of time.


We also state here that we must not forget our struggle to maintain an absolute, overriding and sharp focus on the class issues, in extremely difficult times. We examined each issue and campaign carefully through the prism of class, and sought ways to raise demands in a manner that would reach out to workers, in particular, young workers. In the North, we were always careful to ensure that our positions and our work would reach out to both Catholic and Protestant workers and youth. All our campaigns and interventions must be seen in this context. The key questions are, was our approach balanced, and if a change in approach was required, how should it have been achieved.


We all need to think our way through new issues and changing times, but we need to do so based on rationality, the scientific Marxist method, a full understanding of the past, and with a sense of modesty and humility.


Note: if any comrade wishes to address any gaps, omissions or deficits in these accounts we would welcome this. Any further information on the past-personal accounts, written material, media coverage or photographs-will contribute to a fuller account, and an improved understanding.